Forty-four years ago, a few months before his assassination, John F. Kennedy traveled to then divided Berlin and gave a round of historic speeches. "Ich bin ein Berliner" is the line everyone remembers, the crowd's roar soaring in approval of the young president whose country would one day liberate the people on the other side of the wall. But there was anoth-er line, his last public utterance in Berlin. It came during a speech at Congress Hall, a gift from America to the people of Berlin. "Americans may be far away," he said, "but ... this is where we want to be today. When I leave tonight, I leave—and the Unit-ed States stays."

44年前，美國前總統甘迺迪遇刺前幾個月，他到當時仍分裂的柏林訪問，並發表一輪歷史性演說。「我是柏林人」是經典名句，至今記憶猶新，當時群眾歡聲雷動，支持這位年輕的總統，他的國家有朝一日會解放柏林圍牆另一邊的人民。其實，他在柏林最後一場公開演講還有一句名言。當時他在柏林國會演說，做為美國送給柏林人民的禮物。他說：「美國人也許遠在天邊，但… 今天我們要在這裡。今晚當我離去時，人雖走了，美國會留下來。」

It didn't turn out that way. Over the decades, America floated in and out of Europe's graces. Probably Washington's darkest hour in Europe since Vietnam was the 2003 invasion of Iraq and its grim aftermath.

結果並非如此。數十年來，美國在歐洲時而得寵，時而失寵。華府自越戰後在歐洲最黑暗的時刻，也許是2003年美國出兵伊拉克及其悲慘的後果。

Iraq split the continent in two—in-to "old" and "new" Europe, in former U.S. Defense secretary Donald Rumsfeld's memorable formulation. Millions of protesters filled Europe's boulevards. In Britain, Spain, Italy and elsewhere, governments fell or were wounded by their association with George W. Bush. At Congress Hall in Berlin, on the eve of "shock and awe" over Baghdad, Middle Eastern artists mounted an antiwar exhibit dubbed "DisORIENTation."

套句美國前國防部長倫斯斐令人難忘的表述：伊拉克將歐陸一分為二：「老歐洲」和「新歐洲」。數以百萬計抗議群眾塞滿歐洲大街小巷。在英國、西班牙、義大利和其他各國政府，因和布希總統結盟而垮台或受傷。在柏林國會大廈，在對巴格達發動「震懾」行動前夕，中東藝術家發起反戰展覽，名為「迷失方向」。

Now the tables have turned again. From Iberia to the Russian border, European governments are rebuilding transatlantic bridges. Remarkably, the continent's political elites are embrac-ing pro-Americanism at a time when people on the street are as an-ti-American as they've been since Coalition forces rolled across Iraq. By going against the public grain at ob-vious political risk, Europe's leaders are demonstrating just how deter-mined they are to bury anti-Ameri-canism.

如今又時來運轉。從伊比利亞半島（包括西班牙和葡萄牙）到俄羅斯邊境，歐洲政府正架起跨大西洋橋梁。值得注意的，歐陸政治精英正在擁抱挺美主義，但同一時間，街上民眾仍如聯軍部隊隆隆長驅直入伊拉克時一樣反美。正因這些歐洲領袖甘冒政治風險違反民意，更凸顯他們心意已決，要埋葬反美主義。

French President Nicolas Sarkozy and German Chancellor Angela Merkel are on the leading edge of the New Atlanticism. The two of them behave as if Chancellor Gerhard Schroder and President Jacques Chirac belonged to another era, with Sarkozy attempting to revive an al-liance that dates back to the American War of Independence and Merkel, as the leader of the world's largest ex-porter, championing what her officials call "a larger common market" with the United States.

法國總統沙克吉和德國總理梅克爾帶頭為「新大西洋主義」催生。從他們兩人今天的行動看來，德國前總理施洛德和法國前總統席哈克已是另一個時代的產物。沙克吉試圖和美國恢復美國獨立戰爭前的結盟關係；至於梅克爾身為世界最大出口國領袖，正鼓吹她的官員所說和美國建立「更大的共同市場」。

Similarly, the countries of Central and Eastern Europe are exhibiting such rampant pro-Americanism that Moscow, their old master, is growing restive. Even Spain under Prime Minister Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapa-tero, whose first big foreign-policy initiative was to pull his country's troops out of Iraq, is warming to Washington—cooperating, for exam-ple, on counterterrorism matters.

同樣的，中歐和東歐各國也正展現狂熱的挺美主義，以致它們的老東家莫斯科如坐針氈。連上任後第一項外交政策就是從伊拉克撤軍的西班牙總理薩帕特羅，也向華府示好，像在反恐行動上和美國合作。

The driving forces behind the de-cline of anti-Americanism are not hard to discern. First among them is the departure, in 500 days or so, of Bush, the most reviled American president in European memory. Sec-ond is the fading of Iraq-not as a catastrophic problem, but as a bilateral issue that has leaders lunging at each other's throats; as French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner told NEWSWEEKMinister Bernard Kouchner told NEWSWEEK "We're turning the page and finding a new spirit."

反美主義式微背後的驅動力不難理解。其一，在歐洲記憶中被批得體無完膚的美國總統布希，再過500天左右就要卸職了。其二，伊拉克戰爭已從記憶中消褪，它不再是災難性的問題，而是國際領袖互相攻詰的雙邊議題。誠如法國外長庫施納告訴新聞周刊的，「我們正翻開嶄新的一頁，尋找新精神。」

But there is also a hunger for transatlantic economic cooperation at a time when China and India are on the move; a growing European dread of Al Qaeda's terrorism; a resurgence of the European center-right, com-bined with the growing dominance of pragmatism over ideology, be it American neoconservatism or old-style Continental socialism. Then there's a yearning, particularly in the old Soviet bloc, to seek U.S. protec-tion as Vladimir Putin's Russia flexes its muscles, giving rise to loose talk about a new cold war. Finally, there's an understanding, however grudging, that major international challenges, from Darfur to climate change, cannot be met without Washington's collab-oration.

　而且當此中印正在動起來之際，急需跨大西洋經濟合作；加上歐洲日益恐懼凱達的恐怖活動；歐洲中間偏右政府再度崛起，加上務實主義當道，凌駕於意識形態之上，不管是美國新保守主義或老式的歐陸社會主義皆然。此外。隨俄國總統普亭展現實力、耀武揚威，使冷戰又有借屍還魂之虞，歐陸，尤其是前蘇聯集團渴望尋求美國保護。最後，大家心知肚明，不管多不願意，國際間重大的挑戰，從蘇丹達富爾到氣候變化，華府如不合作，不可能解決。

The promise of further steps after Bush, perhaps under a Democratic president, is heartening to Europe. Washington's growing willingness, so far at least, to work in tandem with European governments on such issues as Iran's nuclear ambitions and conflict in the Middle East is also welcome in European capitals. Alex Bigham of the London-based Foreign Policy Centre argues that the aftermath of Iraq has taught the United States that "a uni-lateral coalition does not work" and that multilateralism can be more ef-fective.

　尤其布希卸任後將會有進一步行動，也許會選出民主黨的總統，使歐洲深感鼓舞。至少到目前為止，華府展現更強烈的意願，願意和歐洲政府就伊朗核子野心及中東衝突等問題協同合作，也深受歐洲各國歡迎。倫敦外交政策中心的畢格罕辯稱，伊拉克戰爭的後果，已使美國得到教訓：「片面聯盟行動行不通」，多邊主義比較有效。

（摘譯自「新聞周刊」Stryker McGuire專欄）

《詞解》

Ich bin ein Berliner 我是柏林人
formulation 表述
shock and awe 震懾行動
DisORIENTation 迷失方向
tables have turned 時來運轉
Iberia伊比利亞半島（包括西班牙和葡萄牙）
transatlantic 跨大西洋
Coalition force聯軍部隊
against the public grain 違反民意
New Atlanticism新大西洋主義
driving forces驅動力
reviled 痛批
lunging at each other's throats互相攻詰
on the move動起來
neoconservatism 新保守主義
flexes its muscles耀武揚威
in tandem with 協同合作
unilateral 片面、單邊
multilateralism多邊主義